Danielle-Daniela

Finding a Map

2011-07-18T15:35:00.000-06:00

I've been working with Cultural Survival for the past 2 years, based out of Antigua,
Guatemala. As part of our Global Response Program, we are currently running a letter-
writing campaign at the request of Indigenous peoples of the Moskitia, Honduras, to
halt the construction of a hydro-electric dam along the pristine Patuca River. Despite
years of protest from local Indigenous peoples and international environmental groups,
In January, the Honduras government signed a contract with a Chinese company to build
the dam. We're collaborating with grassroots organizations to get the word out around
the world that big corporations and governments can't storm their tractors and bulldozers
wherever they please, and especially not in a region that is one of the most bio-diverse
and unique tropical wetlands that still exist on this troubled Earth.

With just a couple weeks notice, Cultural Survival was asked to attend a conference run
by one of our collaborating organizations, the local governance body of the Miskutu
people, acronymed MASTA. I was graciously given the opportunity to attend the
conference as Cultural Survival’s representative. I jumped at the chance- eager to meet
the local activist heroes I've been quoting, editing, and sub-titling over the past two
months as I helped develop our Global Response campaign materials. I started looking
for a good map.

After a full week of trying to make travel plans, I hadn't come up with much. Ahuas, the
conference location and the "heart of MASTA" is located in La Moskitia, a region of
Honduras that is isolated and much forgotten by the western, more urban, half of the
country. I knew this wasn't going to be easy. There are no roads to Ahuas.

The red lines on this map of Honduras are roads. In La Moskitia, road transportation is not an option.

Unrest

2011-07-18T15:34:00.001-06:00

On July 5th I set out on my first leg of the journey to Ahuas, a 14-hour bus ride from Guatemala City to La Ceiba, Honduras, was made longer by a protest blocking the Guatemala-Honduras border in La Florida, Chiquimula. The national union of campesinos, ACUS, created a blockade to urge the passage of the Rural Development Law, a bill that, much like the our Guatemala Radio Project's Community Media Law 4087, has been approved by congressional committee only to be book-shelved for an
endless number of months waiting to be brought to a vote. I patiently wait out the 3- hour delay, understanding their frustration and wished them good luck. In Guatemala, as in many countries, corporate interests push law after law through congress while the interests and rights of Indigenous peoples are systematically ignored. Honduras, I am to learn, unfortunately is no different.

After the military coup ousting center-left president Manuel Zelaya last year, Porfirio Lobo took office promising to 'normalize' foreign relations. One of his initiatives has been to sign a contract with the Chinese company Sinohydro for the construction of the long-protested Patuca III Dam along the Patuca River. Local populations have been successful in holding off this project in its various incarnations for over a decade. But now, SinoHydro, infamous for its disastrous construction of the world’s largest dam, the Three Gorges Dam on the Yangtze river in China, is on board. As Norvin Goff, president of MASTA, commented, "the current government is obsessed with bringing external investments into the country.". And they are doing so without regard for proper environmental studies nor for the right of Indigenous Peoples to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent before any projects are built in their territories..

Finally, I'm ready to board a small plane from La Ceiba to Puerto Lempira, with plans to switch to an even smaller 5 passenger plane to get to Ahuas. At the landing strip in Puerto Lempira I'm surprised to find a notable military presence. I've already gone through customs, but upon arrival in Lempira men in army fatigues take my passport, write down my information, What am I doing here? Who do I represent? What are my interests in this region? I feel like asking them the same questions.

La Moskitia from above

2011-07-18T15:34:00.000-06:00

MASTA somos todos.

2011-07-18T15:33:00.001-06:00

In the plane ride over, I was traveling with an open heart and not much idea what to
expect. Some friendly women from Tegucigalpa start chatting worriedly when they hear
I’m headed to Ahuas. Did I bring a supply of bottled water? Or at least some chlorine
tablets? Have I taken Anti-Malaria pills? I at least have bug-repellent… right? With
none of the above, I settled into a slight panic. Don't worry, they tell me, giving me their
friend Carlos' number, who will be at the conference. Find him, they said, and he'll help
you with anything you need. They wished me luck as I hopped out of the plane, finally having arrived at my destination. I wandered along a grassy field to find a stranger who might point me in the
right direction.

Traveling alone in Central America can often be risky; with the exaggerated levels
of violent crime and petty theft I often feel unsafe. But overwhelmingly, time and
again, communities and individuals have extended such a warm welcome that I feel
immediately comfortable. Seeing me looking quite lost, a neighbor sweeping her floor
put down her broom as I approached, and with a smile lead me down the dirt road into
town. She helped me find some purified water and drops me off with the conference
organizers.

Town center, Ahuas.

Stage constructed in the town center to host evening cultural shows.

Since I arrived a day early, I was able to witness the hustle and bustle of getting
everything ready. It seemed the entire community has pitched in to get this conference
off and running. With only one or two hotels in the town and plenty of people to host,
organizers have found every spare mattress and extra mosquito net, and local families
pitch in to host out-of-towners. There are no restaurants or cafes, so three families have
been put in charge of cooking meals for those who have traveled far from home. A stage
is being constructed in the middle field, the church has lent its space, and the mayor of
the town loaned his microphone and sound system.

Norvin Goff, the president of MASTA and organizer of the conference, explained that
MASTA is not an NGO. Instead, it's a social movement that over the past 35 years
has formed into a system of local governance for Miskutu people in 368 Indigenous
communities that make up the Moskitia. It is structured by communal commitees on the
town level, regional committees, territorial councils, and finally a board of directors and
supreme council for administration and decision-making. There are youth councils, and
respected elder councils. "We are all MASTA" the saying goes. "I am Miskitu, so I am
MASTA".


"Live, Indigenous Youth!"

Patuca River: up close!

2011-07-18T15:33:00.000-06:00

Banks of the Patuca river, just outside the town of Ahuas.

The water levels this time of year are high, because of the rainy season.

Two Miskitu girls playing soccer with their brothers along the banks of the river. Their first language is Miskitu, and understand very little Spanish.

Bringing plantains downstream.

"Yes to Autonomy; No to Patuca III"

2011-07-18T12:00:00.000-06:00

The conference in Ahuas revolved around the central theme of Indigenous Governance
and Territorial Autonomy. Members of MASTA are well aware of the rights guaranteed
in UNDRIP and Convention 169 to manage their own territory and to Free, Prior and
Informed Consent to any projects on their land. That’s why the repeated attempts at
damming the Patuca river without any kind of consultation is frustrating and infuriating
for many.

Donaldo Allen, president of a territorial council RAYAKA which is the most closely situated to the Patuca, spoke at the conference about the importance of protesting and and taking action against the project. He encouraged the audience to understand, “the problems of my people are also my problems.”

Two representatives of the Honduran government participated in the conference. Congressmen Dr. Maylo Wood, a Miskitu himself, declared that the Patuca III dam would not bring any benefit to the Indigenous people on whose land it will be constructed. Nora Trina, the governor of the state of Gracias a Dios, also Miskita, emphasized that the state of Honduras is obligated to consult the community before taking any action in the concession of their land. Although the dam isn’t in the state of her jurisdiction, she compared the effects of Patuca III on the Miskitu people to a hurricane- “the side effects of the damages will also put us at risk, and we’re not prepared.” She encouraged all Miskitu people to present their discontent in front of the president of Honduras. (You can too, here on the CS website!).

Listen to Nora Trina: Entrevista con Nora Trina by Cultural Survival

Lorenzo Tinglas, president of FITH, an organization of another Indigenous group, the
Tawahka, was also participating in the meeting. The Tawahka people will be the most affected by the dam. The extent of the environmental and social damage that will be done is, for the Tawahka people, too drastic to contemplate. “We know that neither the government nor the company themselves will be able to mitigate the damages that will be done to the environment,” Tinglas said. This has certainly been found true with the company’s Three Gorges Dam in China, where the government has already spent $15.5 billion dollars just to study the problems downstream from the dam. Pessimistic about the prospects of cleaning up after the dam, Lorenzo is all the more determined to stop the construction of the dam before it starts. He proposed a three tiers of action: international pressure, legal action, and grassroots action taken by the communities. Listen to Lorenzo speak on this topic (in Spanish), here:

Entrevista con Lorenzo Tinglas by Cultural Survival

Radio Pictures

2010-02-22T19:58:00.002-07:00

To see pictures of my work with Radio Stations, go to this link, scroll to the bottom right and click on "slideshow"

http://www.culturalsurvival.org/current-projects/guatemala-radio-project

I took all those while visiting different radio stations across the country. More to come!

T-shirts for sale!!!

2009-11-23T12:19:00.004-07:00

Guatemala Radio Project T-shirts

$10 + shipping and handling (or wait for hand delivery if you live in Boston)
Available in S, M, L, XL 100% cotton

Designed by me and Made in Guatemala! All proceeds go to support Community Radio in Guatemala. See October post for more info on the project.

"La Voz de la Comunidad, Para La Comunidad"
(the voice of the community, for the community)

Gautemala Radio Project:
Strengthening Indigenous Participation in Democracy

About Community Radio in Guatemala

2009-10-25T15:05:00.004-06:00

from EntreMundos newspaper:

On May 22, 1987, Guatemalan guerillas hijacked the frequency of a state-approved radio station to broadcast their popular revolutionary message. Voz Popular, the voice of Guatemala’s guerilla party, the URNG, transmitted from a mobile unit atop the Volcano Tajumulco, Central America’s highest peak. For nine years, the insurgents provided an alternative media source to the government propaganda broadcast by most radio and television stations, which often censored their programming for fear of government reprisal.

“One of the things I learned is that you can advance this country’s struggles with little more than a microphone,” says former Voz Popular co-founder Alberto Ramírez Recinos. Ramirez’s radio programs spoke out against human rights violations, injustice, and military repression. For Ramirez, Voz Popular was a lone bastion during the state’s psychological war on dissent.

After the signing of the 1996 Peace Accords, Voz Popular’s founders requested a legal frequency to continue their broadcasts. Their request was denied and the station was forced to close down operations. The ex-guerillas of Voz Popular, however, were convinced of the need to continue the radio program in order to promote the implementation of the Peace Accords and the rights of marginalized communities--issues that the mainstream media failed to address. “We thought it was important to continue this project,” explains Ramirez, “so we put down our arms and picked up a microphone.”

Thus was born the community radio station Mujb’ ab’l yol, which means “encounter of expression” in the Mam indigenous language. Mujb’ ab’l yol began as a small station serving the community of Concepción Chiqurichapa, a village north of Quetzaltenango with a 90% indigenous population. Today it has grown to a full-fledged association comprising Guatemala’s 240 community radio stations. Although these stations operate on unauthorized frequencies, they play a pivotal role in promoting cultural expression and community participation throughout Guatemala .

The Role of Community Radio in Guatemala

In a world of increasing globalization and media homogenization, community radio provides an outlet for citizen participation and the expression of diverse cultures. Commercial radio and television stations in Guatemala broadcast solely in Spanish and represent mainstream ladino (Spanish-descendent) culture, largely ignoring the interests of the indigenous population. Community stations, in contrast, broadcast in local, indigenous languages, making them accessible to marginalized sectors of the population. Community radio, declares Ramirez, is “a form of communication that responds to different sectors of the population, a form of community expression.”

Reaching even the isolated members of Guatemalan society, community stations play an important role in educating their audiences on issues including human rights, politics, and the environment. Such programming is essential in a country where many children are unable to attend school due to financial constraints. In addition, high illiteracy makes printed media inaccessible to most of the population, while televisions are prohibitively expensive and their signals rarely reach the country’s more remote regions. Small, battery-powered radios, however, are abundant.

Community radio stations aim to provide information about issues that mainstream communication media tend to ignore. They place a particular emphasis on the contents of the Peace Accords, which have yet to be implemented due mainly to the government’s lack of interest in promoting socio-economic equality. Most of these stations are run by local residents, including women and youth, whose voices are rarely heard in other mediums in Guatemala . Teenage deejays mix everything from hip-hop to revolutionary Cuban trova music. Daily programs vary from explanations of the Maya calendar to instructions on how to vote in local elections. Programming can be about almost anything, as long as community members are listening and participating.

Ramirez and his fellow radio broadcasters believe that with the proper education, marginalized sectors of Guatemalan society will begin to claim their rights and demand a change. In promoting education and citizen participation, community radio stations enable their listeners to participate actively in a peaceful democracy. The right to live and think differently is imperative to democracy, and community radio stations promote thinking on a local level--a fundamental step on the road to development.

Powerful Media Corporations Hinder Community Radio

Although the former guerilla station Voz Popular was denied a legal frequency after the war, the Peace Accords did recognize the importance of community radio in Guatemala. Under the Agreement on Identity and Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the government was obligated to reform broadcasting license laws to make frequencies available to the country’s indigenous population.

However, rather than supporting community radio stations, the government subsequently passed a law whereby the highest bidders obtained radio frequencies in government auctions, thus favoring the private sector and excluding those unable to compete on equal economic footing. “Our community, because it is so poor, can’t participate in the bidding to obtain authorized frequencies,” articulates Ramirez.

Lacking an alternative, community radio stations illegally tap into unauthorized frequencies. Until recently, the government would fine these “pirate” stations up to Q8 million ($1 million), but the practice ended under pressure from the non-governmental Guatemalan Community Communications Council (GCCC).

Even without the fines, community stations have difficulty securing funding to run their daily programming. Many community stations have solicited funding from international agencies, including the European Union, which granted some $900,000 to support a three-year GCCC program. Still, a lack of funds plagues community radio stations and many have been forced off the dial as a result.

Despite the GCCC’s petitions, the Guatemalan government refuses to legalize community radio stations, favoring powerful interest groups that represent commercial broadcasters. The Guatemalan Chamber of Radio Broadcasting, an autonomous group of powerful commercial radio broadcasters, has tremendous sway in congress and effectively determines the fate of smaller stations.

In recent years, the monopoly over Guatemala’s communication media has been consolidated into fewer and fewer hands. Remigio Angel Gonzales, a Mexican businessman living in Miami, owns the country’s four main television stations and 25 commercial radio stations. Under the previous administration, Gonzales’ brother-in-law, Luis Rabbé, was appointed Minister of Communication and Transportation, ensuring Gonzales’ influence in Congress.

Powerful businessmen are not alone in benefiting from the communications monopoly. The government, in return for favoring large commercial stations, counts on the media to publicize state-run projects and portray the administration in a positive light. Thus neither the government nor large commercial stations are motivated to promote community radio, which ostensibly robs mainstream stations of listeners. Furthermore, by educating poor indigenous Guatemalans about their rights and encouraging citizen participation, community radio broadcasters challenge business interests and the status quo, which also explains why some of Guatemala’s most powerful citizens oppose them.

Community Media Proposal

Today, member stations of the Mujb’ ab’l yol association are still operating on unauthorized frequencies and have yet to be recognized by the government. However, the association’s four staff members and 23 young volunteers are working hard to expand its influence. They are lobbying the Guatemalan Congress to pass a bill that would set aside 25% of all radio frequencies for community radio.

Unfortunately, the bill has little chance of being approved. Powerful lobbyists representing commercial stations have prevented previous administrations from reforming telecommunications laws, and given the current administration’s close ties to commercial media, this trend seems unlikely to change in the near future.

In spite of the dim prospects for its approval, all 240 community radio stations nationwide support the bill. Ramírez also advocates the community media proposal, believing that “each municipality should have a form of communication that is interested in serving the community.” Community radio stations, he contends, are one of the fundamental rights of Guatemalan citizens.

If you'd like at help, you can write a letter to the Guatemalan congress who are currently reviewing the bill. Click here for a printable sample letter

You can download the electronic Spanish-English copy of the EntreMundos magazine here.

Violence and Mining

2009-10-13T14:41:00.005-06:00

Three different accounts of an event last week in which an indigenous Guatemalan man was killed during an altercation with Canadian mining company. In an effort to reopen a mine in the town of El Estor, Hudbay security forces were forcibly evicting the local Mayan population that had been living on the land. One source says the guy was shot by security with an AK-47 as he was protesting their eviction. The company press release says that he was killed with a machete by his own people. Reuters picked up the story, mostly taking the side of development- what a shame that the progress of this nickel mine is being held up by 'squatters'.

The Guatemalan government, not the most sympathetic to the indigenous cause and under pressure from American and other foreign investors, allows and encourages companies like Hudbay, UniFruit, and many others to have legal ownership over land that has traditionally been occupied by Maya, without proving proper compensation.

Not only have nickel companies used violence to take land away from its rightful owners, they are causing huge environmental hazards in the process. Smelting, the process of extracting nickel and other metals, is a proven carcinogen, and is contaminating the subsoil and ground water of the area. So yes, technically, they are probably squatters, but from an ethical human-rights/ environmental perspective, they deserve to be left to their land in peace.

Meanwhile, the only coverage I've found from Canadian media is this article in the Globe and Mail encouraging investment in the "promising new nickel mine".